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Who Controls the Media?

Soulless firms do, in fact.

Corporations with grinning, double-breasted executives, interlocking directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital.

- Dow

- General Electric

- Coca-Cola

- Disney

Newspapers ought to have mastheads that mirror the world:

- The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar

- The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser

It's starting to daybreak on a growing variety of armchair ombudsmen that the general public print studies information from a parallel universe - one which has never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking thefts, thoughts management, loss of life squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales - a spot overrun by lone gunmen, the place the CIA and Mafia are often on their best habits.

In this idyllic land, essentially the most serious infraction an official can commit - is a the employment of a domestic servant with (shudder) no residency standing.

This unlikely land of enchantment is the creation of MOCKINGBIRD.

It was conceived in the late 1940s, probably the most frigid period of the chilly battle, when the CIA started a systematic infiltration of the company media, a course of that usually included direct takeover of major news shops.

In this interval, the American intelligence providers competed with communist activists abroad to influence European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of native governments, Frank Wisner, an undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the chilly battle underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination.

Philip Graham, a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under Wisner's wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.

"By the early 1950s," writes former Village Voice reporter Deborah Davis in Katharine the great, "Wisner 'owned' respected members of the new York Times, Newsweek, CBS and different communications vehicles, plus stringers, 4 to six hundred in all, in keeping with a former CIA analyst."

The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a templar for German and American companies who needed their factors of view represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and wire companies consenting to act as organs of CIA propaganda.

Many of these have been already run by males with reactionary views, amongst them,

- William Paley (CBS)

- C.D. Jackson (Fortune)

- Henry Luce (Time)

- Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times)

Activists curious in regards to the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled to seek out in FOIA paperwork that agents boasting in CIA workplace memos of their pride in having placed "necessary belongings" inside every main news publication within the nation.

It was not until 1982 that the Agency brazenly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have acted as case officers to brokers in the sphere.

"World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March, 1947. "It's within the opening skirmish stage already."

The difficulty featured an excerpt of a guide by James Burnham, who referred to as for the creation of an,

"American Empire," "world-dominating in political power, arrange a minimum of in part by means of coercion (probably including conflict, however actually the menace of conflict) and by which one group of individuals ... would hold more than its equal share of energy."

George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947, explaining that,

"though avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a superior individuals taking over the world and ruling it, started to appear within the press, whereas the organs of Wall Street have been rather more trustworthy in favoring a doctrine inevitably resulting in conflict if it brought better industrial markets underneath the American flag."

On the domestic entrance, an abiding relationship was struck between the CIA and William Paley, a wartime colonel and the founding father of CBS.

A agency believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the Pentagon, Paley employed CIA agents to work undercover at the behest of his close buddy, the busy grey eminence of the nation's media, Allen Dulles. Paley's designated go-between in his dealings with the CIA was Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961.

The CIA's assimilation of outdated guard fascists was overseen by the Operations Coordination Board, directed by C.D. Jackson, formerly an government of Time magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold War Strategy. In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who stop a year later, disgusted at the administration's political infighting.

Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the important thing chilly battle strategist.

"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former legal professional for the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations, took "a small boy's delight in the arcane instruments of the intelligence craft - the hidden microphones, the 'black' propaganda."

Nixon especially loved his go to to a Virginia coaching camp to observe Nazis within the "special forces" drilling at covert operations.

One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence underground was heroin smuggler Hubert von Bleucher, biggest gambling wins the son of A German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was educated by the Abwehr, the German navy intelligence division, while nonetheless a civilian in his twenties.

He served in a recon unit of the German Army until forced out for medical causes in 1944, based on his wartime data.

He worked briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on a movie entitled In the future..., and finished out the warfare flying with the Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling of Nazi loot out of the nation. His exploits have been, partially, the topic of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the knockover of the Reichsbank at the top of the battle.

In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named Huberto von Bleucher Corell, he immediately paid court docket to Eva Peron, presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?).

Hubert then met with Martin Bormann on the Hotel Plaza to ship German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the start of the National Socialist Party in Argentina, among other types of Nazi revival.

In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job on the Color Corporation of America in Hollywood. He eked out a living writing scripts for the booming movie trade. His voice will be heard on a film set within the Amazon, produced by Walt Disney.

Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Dusseldorf, West Germany, and established a agency that developed not movie scripts, however anti-chemical warfare agents for the government.

At the Industrie Club in Dusseldorf in 1982, von Bleucher boasted to journalists,

"I am chief shareholder of Pan American Airways. I am the best pal of Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is forty five p.c financed by me. I'm thus the most important financier ever to look in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by these people over their second bottle of brandy."

Not likely.

Two the largest financiers to stumble from the drunken desires of world-transferring affluence were, in their time, Moses Annenberg, writer of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the CIA/mob-anchored publisher of the Tv Guide. Like most American excessive-rollers, Annenberg lived a double life. Moses, his father, was a scion of the Capone mob.

Both Moses and Walter had been indicted in 1939 for tax evasions totaling many thousands and thousands of dollars - the biggest case within the history of the Justice Department. Moses pled responsible and agreed to pay the federal government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims, penalties and curiosity debts. Moses obtained a three-yr sentence.

He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.

Walter Annenbeg, the Tv Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican.

On the marketing campaign path in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet.

"This is the topping on the cake," Bush's regional campaign director told the Los Angeles Times.

The Bush crew met at Annenberg's plush Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands, California.

It was on the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the state's social and contributor registers built over a quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose performing profession was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.

The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a CIA entrance, offered the intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even prying within the age of Big Brother.

George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient video surveillance technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition printed within the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace.

Operation Octopus, based on federal recordsdata, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program that turned any tv set with tubes right into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus might pick up audio and visual pictures with the gear as far as 25 miles away.

Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus on the time of his disappearance in the midst of the Watergate probe.

In 1952, at MCA, Actors' Guild president Ronald Reagan - a screen idol recruited by MOCKINGBIRD's Crusade for Freedom to lift funds for the resettlement of Nazis within the U.S., in keeping with Loftus - signed a secret waiver of the battle-of-curiosity rule with the mob-controlled studio, in impact granting it a labor monopoly on early television programming.

In trade, MCA made Reagan a component proprietor.

Furthermore, historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the brand new York Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan had,

"fed the names of suspect folks in his organization to the FBI secretly and repeatedly sufficient to be assigned 'an informer's code number, T-10.' His FBI file signifies intense collaboration with producers to 'purge' the industry of subversives."

Nobody ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former intelligence officer and within the rapid postwar period UPI's Moscow correspondent.

Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's Phil Graham, according to Deborah Davis.

Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film simian from CIA and Mafia heroin operations. Among other organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell Thomas threw in to launch the notorious Resorts International, the company front for Lansky's branch of the federally-sponsored mob household and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities.

Another of the traders was James Crosby, a Cap Cities govt who donated $100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential marketing campaign. This was the year that Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New jersey tried, with no success, to spike the issuance of a gambling license to the corporate, citing Mafia ties.

In 1954, this identical circle of buyers, all Catholics, founded the broadcasting firm infamous for overt propagandizing and general spookiness. The corporate's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey, who clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind belief even after he was appointed CIA director by Ronald Reagan in 1981.

"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in the Invisible Government to describe the company's intertwining interests within the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who took to the airwaves.

"Daily, East and West beam lots of of propaganda broadcasts at one another in an unrelenting babble of competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-value transistor has given the hidden battle a new importance," enthused one foreign correspondent.

A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda push.

One in all them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR), obtained hundreds of 1000's of dollars from the CIA via personal foundations and trusts. OPR research was the idea of a television collection that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of individuals and Politics, a "research" of the American political system in 21 weekly installments.

In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia combination that formed Cap Cities sank its claws into the movie studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army in the course of the battle by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters within the film business.

Rosselli, a CIA asset in all probability assassinated by the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled his office after the dictator's. The one trustworthy job Rosselli ever had was assistant buying agent (and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former producer for 20th Century Fox.

Rosselli, Capone's consultant on the West Coast, handed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled playing investments with Billy Wilkerson, publisher of the Hollywood Reporter.

In the 1950s, outlays for world propaganda climbed to a full third of the CIA's covert operations finances. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract CIA staff were finally engaged in propaganda efforts. The price of disinforming the world price American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a 12 months by 1978, a budget larger than the combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.

In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it labored carefully with the intelligence services - actually, 23 workers had been full-time workers of the Agency.

Most shoppers of the company media have been - and are - unaware of the impact that the salting of public opinion has on their own beliefs. A community anchorman in time of national crisis is an instrument of psychological warfare within the MOCKINGBIRD media. He's a creature from the national safety sector's chamber of horrors.

Because of this customers of the corporate press have cause to look at their primary beliefs about authorities and life in the parallel universe of these United States.

How The Washington Post...

Censors The News - A Letter to The Washington Post - by Julian C. Holmes

from Whale Website

April 25, 1992 Richard Harwood, Ombudsman The Washington Post 1150 fifteenth Street NW Washington, DC 20071

Dear Mr. Harwood,

Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself within the pursuit of arduous information, just let drop the faintest rumor of a authorities "conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room.

Aroused from apathy within the each day routine of reporting assignations and various different political and social sports activities occasions, editors and reporters scramble to the telephones. The klaxon screams its warning: the best single menace to herd-journalism, corporate earnings, and authorities stability the dreaded "CONSPIRACY Theory"!!

It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any of these frightful spectres, but their presence is introduced to Post readers with a salvo of warnings to keep away from the tricky, sticky webs spun by the wacko "CONSPIRACY THEORISTS".

Recall how the Post saved us from the reality about Iran-Contra.

Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was employed to ridicule the idea that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had conspired to do unsuitable (*1). And when, of their syndicated column, Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the Post sprang to guard its readers, and the conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column before printing it (*2).

But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith middle for law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S. arms-for-medication trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets (*3).

In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work on our bizarre, illegal battle towards Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this discovery course of by disparaging the charges of conspiracy and by publishing false info in regards to the drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed solely a partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from Rangel (*5).

Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity within the drug trade (*6). With its cover-up of the arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a newly rising risk to home tranquility, the "October Surprise" conspiracy (*7). But shut on the heels of Hosenball and the Post got here Barbara Honegger after which Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books with the identical title, "October Surprise" (*8).

Honegger was a member of the Reagan/Bush marketing campaign and transition groups in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the employees of the National Security Council beneath Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick revealed their proof of how the Republicans made a deal to provide arms to Iran if Iran would delay launch of the 52 United States hostages till after the November 1980 election. The aim of this deal was to quash the potential for a pre-election release (an October surprise). which might have bolstered the reelection prospects for President Carter.

Others printed particulars of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October 1988, Playboy Magazine ran an expose "An Election Held Hostage"; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a convention of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former hostages, challenged the Congress to "make a full, impartial investigation" of the election/hostage allegations. The Post reported the assertion of the hostages, but not a word of the convention itself which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10).

On February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly authorized an "October Surprise" investigation by a activity power of thirteen congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired the House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named as chief workforce counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11).

Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not proven curiosity in pursuing the U.S. arms-for-drugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he derailed House Resolution 485 which had requested President Reagan to answer questions about Contra assist actions of government officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John

Hull (from Hamilton's house state). was charged in Costa Rica with "worldwide drug trafficking and hostile acts towards the nation's security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling Hull's case "in a way that won't complicate U.S.-Costa Rican relations" (*14). The Post didn't report the Hamilton letter or the Costa Rican response that declared Hull's case to be "in pretty much as good fingers as our a hundred yr previous uninterrupted democracy can provide to all citizens" (*15).

Though the Post does its greatest to information our thinking away from conspiracy theories, it is troublesome to avoid the fact that a lot wrongdoing entails government or company conspiracies:

In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery, surveillance, false arrests, and violence to illegally harass U.S.citizens within the 60's (*16).

The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by "destroying crops, brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and different leaders" (*17).

"Standard Oil of recent Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben... of Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the United States was effectively prevented from growing or producing [for World War-II] any substantial amount of artificial rubber," said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin (*18).

U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld details about dosages of radiation "virtually certain to produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated individuals residing close to the nuclear weapons manufacturing unit at Hanford, Washington (*19).

Various branches of Government deliberately drag their ft in getting round to cleaning up the Nation's dangerous nuclear weapons websites (*20). State and local governments back the nuclear trade's secret public relations technique (*21).

"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty complete cancer centers, have misled and confused the general public and Congress by repeated claims that we're successful the conflict in opposition to cancer. Actually, the cancer establishment has frequently minimized the proof for growing most cancers rates which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fats, whereas discounting or ignoring the causal position of avoidable exposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, meals, water, and the office." (*22).

The Bush Administration cowl-up of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq "is yet another example of the President's people conspiring to keep both Congress and the American people in the dead of night" (*23).

If you happen to give it some thought, conspiracy is a basic side of doing enterprise in this country.

Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the Pentagon and much of the news media (*24).

Or the widespread plans of business and government teams to spend $100 million in taxes to advertise a distorted and truncated historical past of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the 2 worlds", (*26). relatively than examining more real looking aspects of the Spanish invasion, like "anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and loss of life" (*27).

Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from the INSLAW company of refined, law-enforcement laptop software which "now level to a widespread conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials within the theft of INSLAW's expertise", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson (*28).

Or Watergate.

Or the "largest financial institution fraud in world monetary historical past" (*29), the place the White House knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence companies did their secret banking (*31), and the place bribery of distinguished American public officials "was a way of doing business" (*32).

Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of California, Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with gasoline- and diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of buses and related products to transportation companies all through the country" [in, among others, the cities of recent York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33).

Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). and the U.S. Department of Transportation to overlook security defects in the 1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by General Motors in the early 60's (*34).

Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield intrauterine contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings of the Shield's hazards and which "stonewalled, deceived, covered up, and lined up the cover-ups...[thus inflicting] on women a worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections." (*35).

Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA resulted in failure to implement laws regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 (*36).

Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was bought by manufacturers who ignored assessments which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted "in concert with each other in the testing and marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).

Or the conspiracies amongst bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of their financial savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White House, Congress and company world for the interests and rights of the American people" will value U.S. taxpayers many lots of of billions of dollars (*38).

Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers, Federal Pacific, and General Electric executives who met surreptitiously in lodge rooms to fix costs and eliminate competitors on heavy industrial equipment (*39).

Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for fabricating safety tests on prescription drugs (*40).

Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress data of medical issues referring to asbestos (*41).

Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement via which oil firms "agreed not to have interaction in any effective price competition" (*42).

Or the conspiracy amongst U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover up the character of our decades-previous warfare in opposition to the folks of Nicaragua a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government making use of strain for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a extra repressive pressure (*43).

Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the Chilean election course of with navy assist, covert actions, and an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of the legitimately elected authorities and the assassination of President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).

Or the conspiracy amongst U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46).

Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in 1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).

Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil firms and the British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed Mossadegh (*49).

Or the CIA-deliberate assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice Lumumba (*50).

Or the deliberate and willful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole, Senator George Mitchell, varied U.S. Government businesses, and members of each Houses of the Congress to purchase the 1990 Nicaraguan nationwide elections for the presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).

Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the CIA, in the face of "unmistakable proof that Gates lied about his position within the Iran-Contra scandal" (*52).

Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to help Poland's Solidarity Movement and Hasten the Demise of Communism" (*53).

Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the usage of USAID funds by any nation "for the promotion of start management or abortion" (*54).

Or "the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common objective in Central America" (*55).

Or the collaboration of Guatemalan sturdy-man and mass assassin Hector Gramajo with the U.S. Army to design "packages to construct civilian-military cooperation" on the U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; 5 of the nine soldiers accused within the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel (*56).

Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration to harass and trigger bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter who uncovered dangerous working situations at the power (*57).

Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nixon and the federal government of South Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).

Or the pandemic cowl-ups of police violence (*59).

Or the all the time secure-to-cite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60).

Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The Satanic Verses in paperback (*61).

Conspiracies are obviously a strategy to get issues completed, and the Washington Post provides little comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a extremely necessary conspiracy that, to illustrate, benefits massive business or big government.

Such a conspiracy could be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of the Iranian government to help out U.S. oil corporations; or like our illegal warfare against Panama to tighten U.S. management over Panama and the Canal; or like monopoly management of broadcasting that facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public significance (*62).

When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence within the conspiring officials can erode depending on how critically the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the general public belief. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post appears to see as an actual threat to its company security.

Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver Stone's movie "JFK", which reexamines the U.S. Government's official (Warren Commission. discovering that a single gunman, appearing alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie is also the story of latest Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's unsuccessful prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only particular person ever tried in reference to the assassination.

And the film proposes that the Kennedy assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not be served by a president who, had he lived, might need disengaged us from our warfare towards Vietnam.

The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination alongside strains suggested by "JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael Isikoff, have been called as much as man the bulwarks against public sentiment which has by no means supported the government's non-conspiratorial assassination thesis.

In spite of the info that the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63) and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on Assassinations discovered that President Kennedy was most likely killed "because of a conspiracy" (*64), a really astounding variety of Post stories have been used as vehicles to discredit "JFK" as just one other conspiracy (*65).

Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that there isn't any historic justification for this idea.

Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have each authored protection of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team simply continues ranting towards the potential of a excessive-degree assassination conspiracy whereas offering little justification for its arguments.

An example of significantly shabby scholarship and unacceptable habits is George Lardner Jr's contribution to the Post's marketing campaign in opposition to the film. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie was accomplished, and the third upon its launch. In May, six months earlier than the movie got here out, Lardner obtained a replica of the first draft of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed within the Post the contents of this copyrighted film (*68). Also in this article, (*69).

Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner doesn't tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government criminal motion introduced towards Garrison, Government witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted beneath oath that in a May 1972 interview with a new Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had mentioned that the U.S. Government's case towards Garrison was a fraud (*70).

The Post's 1973 account of the Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy, however after i lately asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he remembered it (*71).

Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his means by means of a justification for his unauthorized possession of the early draft ofthe film (*72). He additionally defended his reference to Pershing Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a author "of gothic fiction".

When the film was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73). He once more ridiculed the film's thesis that following the Kennedy assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was written earlier than the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of Kennedy's policy".

In actual fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it. Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the ultimate model offered for escalating the war in opposition to Vietnam (*74) info that Lardner avoided.

The Post's campaign in opposition to exposing conspiracies is blatantly dishonest:

The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for essentially the most half conducted in secret. This truth is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do present readers of this newspaper find meaningful discussion of the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both the FBI and the CIA (*76).

Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing co-conspirators at subject stations to counteract the,

"new wave of books and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have regularly thrown suspicion on our group" and to "focus on the publicity problem with liaison and pleasant elite contacts, particularly politicians and editors "and to "employ propaganda belongings to answer and refute the assaults of the critics. ...Book opinions and feature articles are particularly applicable for this purpose. ...The purpose of this dispatch is to provide materials for countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists..." (*77).

In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis printed Katharine The nice, the story of Post writer Katharine Graham and her newspaper's shut ties with Washington's highly effective elite, numerous whom have been with the CIA.

Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim that Bradlee had "produced CIA material" (*78). Understandably sensitive about this sort of publicity, Bradlee advised Davis' writer Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,

"Miss Davis is mendacity ...I never produced CIA materials ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a idiot and to put your company in that particular little group of publishers who do not give a shit for the truth".

The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the e-book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of contract and harm to status; HBJ settled out of court docket; and Davis published her e-book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply concerned with producing chilly-conflict/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his affiliation with folks in the CIA are false, however he has apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive documentation introduced by Deborah Davis within the second and third editions of her guide (*80).

And it is not as if the Post had been new to conspiracy work.

Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the perform of the press was extra often than to not mobilize consent for the insurance policies of the government, was one of the architects of what turned a widespread follow:the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA" (*81).

This scandal was identified by its code identify Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was broadly identified that Phil Graham was somebody you possibly can get assist from" (*82). More lately the Post offered cover for CIA persona Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to print his name for over a year up till the day his indictment was introduced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).

Of the conferences between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the availability and costs of journalists have been mentioned, a former CIA man recalls, "You might get a journalist cheaper than an excellent call woman, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One might want to contemplate Philip Graham's philosophy together with a more recent assertion from his wife Katharine Graham, present Chairman of the Board of the Washington Post.

In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs. Graham mentioned:

"A second problem going through the media is how to forestall terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The purpose is that we usually know when we are being manipulated, and we have learned higher how and where to draw the line, though the selections are sometimes troublesome" (*85).

Today, the Post and its world of huge enterprise are apparently terrified that our elite and our high-level public officials may be exposed as conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the assassination of President Kennedy. This concern is really outstanding in that, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post runs its business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs a conspiracy "to act or work collectively towards the same result or purpose" (*86).

But where the Post actually elements company from just plain folks is when it pretends that conspiracies associated with massive business or authorities are "coincidence". Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration inherent in having to keep up this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver Stone and suggests that Stone may actually consider that the Post's opposition to Stone's film is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that Stone's complaints are "groundless and paranoid and smack of McCarthyism" (*87).

So how does the Post justify devoting so much vitality to ridiculing those that examine conspiracies?

The Post has answers: individuals revert to conspiracy theories as a result of they need one thing "neat and tidy" (*88) that,

"plugs a hole no other generally accepted idea fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always the safest and most definitely rationalization for any conjunction of curious circumstances ..." (*90).

And what does this response imply? It means that "coincidence principle" is what the Post espouses when it would like not to admit to a conspiracy. In different phrases, some things just "occur". And, moreover, conspiracy to do certain issues can be a criminal offense; "coincidence" is a safer bet.

Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as Executive Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91) lately issued a warning about presidential candidates "who've begun to mutter a couple of press conspiracy". Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these expenses as "symptoms of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American political class" (*92).

But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers; they used the "C" word in opposition to the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his off-the-cuff remark into a whole column ending it with:

"We're the new journalists, immersed too long, maybe, within the cleansing waters of political conformity. But conspirators we ain't".

Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative Journalism. Within the December subject of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime".

Therein he mentioned the difficulties in convincing editors to accept necessary news tales. He illustrated the article along with his personal experiences at the Post, the place he says he was generally known as "the biggest pain in the ass in the office" (*93).

- Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists by the hands of editors is a matter of random coincidence?And that such coverage as Mintz described is made independently by editors without affect from fellow editors or from administration?

- Would Harwood have us imagine that at the numerous workplace "conferences" through which information persons are ever in attendance, there is no such thing as a dialogue of which stories will run and which ones will discover inadequate area?

- That there isn't any superior planning for tales or that there are no cooperative efforts among the staff?

- Or that within the face of our news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a Post journalist can be free to provide news space to candidate Agran equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton?

Let's face it: these potentialities are about as possible as Barbara Bush entertaining guests at a soup kitchen.

Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account of wire-service control over information:

"The largely nameless men who control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire picture machines determine at a single decision what millions will see and hear. ...there appears to be little doubt that these gatekeepers preside over an operation wherein an appalling amount of press agentry sneaks within the again door of American journalism and marches untouched out the entrance door as 'information'" (*95).

When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge Clarence Thomas violated U.S. regulation when he didn't take away himself from a case through which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance to 56 words buried in the midst of a 1200-phrase article (*97).

Would Harwood have us believe that the nearly full blackout on this matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a narrative about Ralston Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?

Or take the advantageous report produced last September by Ralph Nader's Public Citizen. Titled All of the Vice President's Men, it paperwork "How the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health, Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published "The President's Understudy", a seven-half sequence on Vice President Quayle. Although this collection does address Quayle's function with the Competitiveness Council, its dealing with of the Council's disastrous impression on America is inadequate.

It's 40,000 phrases of largely aimless chatter about Quayle memorabilia: youth, household, school file, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy associates, authorities associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and web value revealing little about Quayle's talents, his understanding of society's problems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and by no means mentioning the comprehensive Nader research of Quayle's file in the Bush Administration (*98).

Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget concerning the Nader research? Or did both of them overlook? Or did one, or the opposite, or each determine not to say it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to publish such a barren set of articles as a result of it might enhance their reputations? How did administration feel about using precious information area for such frivolity? Is it doable that so many pages were dedicated to this twaddle with out folks "acting or working collectively towards the identical result or objective"? (*99)

Do crocodiles fly?

On March 20, front-web page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the new York Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post learn respectively:

- TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE CLEARING CLINTON'S PATH

- TSONGAS ABANDONS Campaign LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH Toward SHOWDOWN WITH BUSH

- TSONGAS CLEARS Way FOR CLINTON

- TSONGAS EXIT CLEARS Way FOR CLINTON

This show of editorial independence should at the least raise questions of whether the information media collective mindset is really completely different from that of another cartel like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a mixture of independent commercial enterprises designed to limit competitors" (*101).

The Washington Post editorial web page carries the heading:

AN Independent NEWSPAPER

Is it? Of course not. There in all probability is no such thing. Does the Post "conspire" to maintain its staff and its newspaper from wandering too removed from the security of mediocrity?

The Post would reply that the query is absurd. In that I'm not privy to the Post's phone conversations, I can only speculate on how intently the media elite should monitor the workers. But we all understand how few micro-seconds it takes a brand new reporter to study what topics are taboo and what are "secure", and that experienced reporters don't should ask.

What's more important, however, than speculating about how the Post communicates inside its own company construction and with other members of the cartel, is to doc and publicize what the Post does in public, particularly, how it shapes and censors the information.

Sincerely, Julian C. Holmes

Copies to: Public-spirited residents, each inside and outside the news media, And - perhaps a number of others.

Notes to Letter of April 25, 1992:

1. Mark Hosenball, "The last word Conspiracy", Washington Post, September 11, 1988, p.C1 2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the Post censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to Robert Gates. 2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "Iran-Contra Figure Dodges Extradition", Washington Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May 26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post (see be aware 2a).. 2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Wish to Extradite", Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see be aware 2b). because it appeared within the Post (see word 2a).. 3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, and many others., United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986. 3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs to U.S.", Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986. 3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews with Robert Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990. 4. Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1987. 5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181. 5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug Smuggling", Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07. 5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington Post, July 24,1987, p.A3. 5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel's Letter- to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the Congressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7. 6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail", Boston Globe, April 10, 1988. 6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10, 1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22. 6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra The Coverup Continues", The Progressive, November 1988, p.24. 6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December 1988. 7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory", Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1. 7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The latest Version of the 1980 'Hostage- Deal' Story Is still Full of Holes", Washington Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2. 8a. Barbara Honegger, October Surprise, New York: Tudor, 1989. 8b. Gary Sick, October Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random House, 1991. 9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage", Playboy, October 1988, p.73. 9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, "The Election Held Hostage", FRONTLINE, WGBH-Tv,April 16, 1991. 10a. Reuter, "Ex-Hostages Seek Probe By Congress", Washington Post, June 14,1991,p.A4. 10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium, Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For brand new Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New York, NY, 10016. 11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into 'OctoberSurprise'", Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11. 11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The Guardian, December 11, 1991, p.7. 11c. Jack Colhoun, "October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer", The Guardian, February 26, 1992, p.3. 12. See notice 5a, p.180-1. 13a. See notice 4, p.229, 240-1. 13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November 1987, p.139-141. 14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob McEwen; January 26, 1989. 14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S. Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990. 14c. "Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer", Scripps-Howard News Service,April 25, 1991. 15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the Case of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989. 16. Brian Glick, War at Home, Boston: South End Press, 1989. 17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard The U.S. Role in the new World Order, Boston: South End Press, 1991, p.121. 18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press, Macmillan, 1978, p.93. 19. R. Jeffrey Smith, "Study of A-Plant Neighbors' Health Urged", Washington Post, July 13, 1990, p.A6. 20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend Price Tag Mounts to scrub Up Nuclear Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992, p.1K. 21. "The Nuclear Industry's Secret PR Strategy", Extra!, March 1992, p.15. 22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need for PublicPolicy Reform", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.E947-9. 22b. Samuel S. Epstein, "The Cancer Establishment", Washington Post, March 10, 1992. 23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL Scandal", Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014. 23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq Policy", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285. 23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal Adviser, Memorandum to Jeanne S. Archibald et al, "Meeting on congressional requests for data and paperwork", April 8, 1991; Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285. 24a. Michio Kaku, "Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses", The Guardian, March11, 1992, p.4. 24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case", Variety Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25. 25. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991 Letter to"Friends", p.1. 26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is Hired to advertise Smithsonian Project", Washington Post, November 18, 1991, p.Bus.8. 27. Hans Koning, "Teach the reality About Columbus", Washington Post, September 3,1991, p.A19. 28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St. Louis Post/Dispatch, March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A High-Tech Watergate", New York Times, October 21,1991. 29. "BCCI NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared by Burrelle's Information Services. The quote is from New York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who's working his personal independent investigation of BCCI. 30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5. 31. Jack Colhoun, "BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush's Closet", The Guardian, September 18, 1991, p.9. 32. Robert Morgenthau. See notice 29, p.10. 33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback version, p.227. 34. See note 33, p.136-7. 35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see notice 33, p.157. 36. See word 33, p.164-171. 37. See observe 33, p.172-180. 38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House, 1990. The quote is from Ralph Nader's Introduction, p.iii. 39. See observe 33, p.217. 40. See note 33, p.235. 41. See word 33, p.277-288. 42. See word 33, p.323. 43. Katherine Hoyt Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund Newsletter, March1992, p.1. 44. William Blum, The CIA A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books Ltd., 1986,p.232-243. 45a. John Stockwell, In the hunt for Enemies, New York: Norton, 1978. 45b. See be aware 44, p.284-291. 46. See observe 17, p.18. 47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama (James Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published within the Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163. 47b. Philip E. Wheaton, Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press, 1992, p.145-7. 48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam Books, 1977,p.521. 48b. "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission, December 2, 1949. Cited in 48a, p.521. 49a. See note 44, p.67-76. 49b. See observe 48a, p.530-1. 50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square Publications, 1983,p.60. 51. HR-3385, "An Act to supply Assistance free of charge and Fair Elections in Nicaragua". Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4, 1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of 64 to 35. 52. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post", The Guardian,November 20, 1991, p.6. 53. Carl Bernstein, Time, February 24, 1992, Cover Story p.28-35. 54. "The U.S. and the Vatican on Birth Control", Time, February 24, 1992, p.35. 55. "Time's Missing Link: Poland to Latin America", National Catholic Reporter,February 28, 1992, p.24. 56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission", Benning Patriot, February 21, 1992, p.12. 56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion", News Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903. 57. 60 MINUTES, CBS, March 8, 1992. 58. Jack Colhoun, "Tricky Dick's Quick Election Fix", The Guardian, January 29,1992, p.18. 59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against Police", Boston Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1. 59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case", Washington Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3. 59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video", WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20. 59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide", Washington Post, May 18, 1991, p.B1. 59e. Jay Mathews, "L.A. Police Laughed at Beating", Washington Post, March 19, 1991, p.A1. 59f. David Maraniss, "One Cop's View of Police Violence", Washington Post, April 12,1991, p.A1. 59g. From News Services, "Police Abuse Detailed", Washington Post, February 8, 1992,p.A8. 60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions", Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.A1. 61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback", Washington Post, March 14, 1992, p.D1. 62a. See notes 48 and 49. 62b. See observe 47b, p.63-76. 62c. "Fairness In Broadcasting Act of 1987", U.S. Senate Bill S742. 62d. "Now Let That 'Fairness' Bill Die", Editorial, Washington Post, June 24, 1987. The Post opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting Act. 63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America The Mafia Murder of President John F.Kennedy, New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988, p.viii. 64. See notice 63, p.28. 65a. Chuck Conconi, "Out and About", Washington Post, February 26, 1991, p.B3. 65b. George Lardner Jr., "On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland", Washington Post, May19, 1991, p.D1. 65c. George Lardner, "...Or Just a Sloppy Mess", Washington Post, June 2, 1991,p.D3. 65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories When Will we Dig Up BillCasey?", Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19. 65e. Eric Brace, "Personalities", Washington Post, October 31, 1991, p.C3. 65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned Warren Commission Attorney Calls Stone Film 'A giant Lie'", Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14. 65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How About the truth?", Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21. 65h. Rita Kemply, "'JFK': History Through A Prism", Washington Post, December 20,1991, p.D1. 65i. George Lardner Jr., "The best way it Wasn't In 'JFK', Stone Assassinates the truth", Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2. 65j. Desson Howe, "Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?", Washington Post, December 20,1991, p.55. 65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire In Defending His 'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1. 65l. George F. Will, "'JFK': Paranoid History", Washington Post, December 26, 1991,p.A23. 65m. "On Screen", 'JFK' movie assessment, Washington Post, Weekend, December 27, 1991. 65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Shadow Play", Washington Post, December 27, 1991, p.A21. 65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The Paranoid Style", Washington Post, December 29,1991, p.C7. 65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! Why Did Oliver Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?", Washington Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2. 65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts Moviegoers Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone", Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1. 65r. Michael R. Beschloss, "Assassination and Obsession", Washington Post, January 5, 1992, p.C1. 65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington Post, January 10,1992, p.A19. 65t. Art Buchwald, "Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy", Washington Post, January 14, 1992,p.E1. 65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories Good on Film, However the Motivation Is All Wrong", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.G1. 65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie America's Resort to Conspiracy Thinking", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1. 65w. Richard Cohen, "Oliver's Twist", Washington Post Magazine, January 19, 1992, p.5. 65. Michael Isikoff, "Seeking JFK's Missing Brain", Washington Post, January 21,1992, p.A17. 65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere", Washington Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5. 65z. Joel Achenbach, "JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts", Washington Post, February 28, 1992, p.C5. 65A. List of books on one of the best-seller checklist: On the Trail of the Assassins is characterized as "conspiracy plot theories", Washington Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12 66. See notes 65n, 65w, 65l, 65b, 65c, and 65i. 67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers". Published in the Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume V,p.211-247. 67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy The secret Road to the Second Indochina War, Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p. 215-224. 67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416. 67d. See be aware 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4. 67e. John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam, New York: Warner Books, 1992. 67f. Peter Dale Scott, Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9, 1992, p.290. 68a. See be aware 65b. 68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK Assassination", Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3. 69. See observe 65b. 70. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner Books, 1988, 315/318. 71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery Charge", Washington Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3. 72. See be aware 65c. 73. See observe 65i. 74. See word 67e, p.438-450. 75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington Post, Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8. 76a. Tad Szulc, "New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe", Washington Star,September 19, 1975, p.A1. 76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts

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